Catalogue - page 5

Affiche du document Citizen Wealth

Citizen Wealth

Wade Rathke

1h30min45

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121 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 1h31min.
America’s safety net is torn and tattered. Income inequality continues to grow—the gap between rich and poor has expanded fivefold in the last 25 years. For millions of working families achieving basic middle class comforts has begun to seem as distant a dream as winning the lottery. What is needed, and what veteran organizer and ACORN founder Wade Rathke provides in this hard-hitting new book, is a comprehensive grassroots strategy to create what he calls citizen wealth: an enduring foundation on which working people can build a future that extends beyond paying next month’s rent. Rathke shares breakthrough strategies that have enabled ACORN and other organizations help people secure the basics of citizen wealth—a house and a decent income—offering from-the-trenches advice on mounting successful living wage campaigns, battling unscrupulous and predatory lending practices, and developing new forms of worker organizations to protect wages and benefits. The anti-poverty programs still out there can provide critical support for citizen wealth-building efforts, but they’re woefully underutilized. Rathke shows how to cut through government indifference and bureaucratic obstacles to provide those in need with access to these vital resources. But community organizations can’t do it alone. Rathke describes ACORN partnerships with HSBC Bank and H & R Block that helped these businesses see building citizen wealth as a new market opportunity—a win for them and for the people they once exploited. And he looks at other examples of strange bedfellows in the fight for citizen wealth, including Citibank, once the target of massive protests by ACORN and now, working with them, a major investor in working class communities. “We need to create a national economic and political consensus that increasing family income, wealth and assets is not `welfare’ or an entitlement ‘give-away” program but an investment in the public good and well-being.” Rathke writes. Based on forty years of hard-won experience, Wade Rathke offers a new blueprint for helping millions to achieve the American Dream.
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Affiche du document A Game As Old As Empire

A Game As Old As Empire

2h18min00

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184 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h18min.
Builds on the shocking picture of worldwide economic corruption first presented in John Perkins' Confessions of an Economic Hit Man • Features a dozen chapters detailing contemporary examples of how the economic hit man game is played around the globe John Perkins’ controversial and bestselling exposé, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, revealed for the first time the secret world of economic hit men (EHMs). But Perkins’ Confessions contained only a small piece of this sinister puzzle. The full story is far bigger, deeper, and darker than Perkins’ personal account revealed. Here other EHMs, journalists, and investigators join Perkins to tell their own stories, providing the first probing and expansive look into this pervasive web of systematic corruption. With chapters spotlighting how specific countries around the globe have been subverted, A Game As Old As Empire uncovers the inner workings of the institutions behind these economic manipulations. The contributors detail concrete examples of how the “economic hit man game” is still being played: an officer of an offshore bank hiding hundreds of millions of dollars in stolen money, IMF advisers slashing Ghana’s education and health programs, a mercenary defending a European oil company in Nigeria, a consultant rewriting Iraqi oil law, and executives financing warlords to secure supplies of coltan ore in Congo. Together they show how this system of corruption and plunder operates in real life, and reveal the price that the rest of the world must pay as a result. Most important, A Game As Old As Empire connects the dots, showing how the various pieces of this system come together to create the world’s first truly global empire.
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Affiche du document Framing the Future

Framing the Future

Bernie Horn

2h18min00

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184 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h18min.
Polls consistently show that most Americans are progressives at heart. By margins of at least two to one, we favor affordable healthcare for all, even if it means raising taxes; want federal action to combat global warming; support stricter gun control; don’t want Roe vs. Wade overturned; and the list goes on. So why is it so hard for progressive candidates to win elections? Because, says Bernie Horn, most progressives don’t know how to explain their ideas in ways that resonate with “persuadables”—the significant slice of the electorate who don’t instantly identify as Democrats or Republicans. These are the voters who swing elections. There’s been a lot of theoretical discussion about framing lately, but Framing the Future isn’t theory—the concepts outlined have been used successfully by progressive candidates across the nation, even in such conservative bastions as Montana, Arizona, and Florida. Drawing on rigorous polling data and his own experience as a veteran political consultant, Horn explains how persuadable voters think about issues and make political decisions and why, as a result, the usual progressive approaches are practically designed to fail with them. He offers a crash course in the nuts and bolts of framing and shows how to use three bedrock American values—freedom, opportunity, and security—to frame progressive positions in a way that creates a consistent, unified political vision that will appeal to persuadable voters. He even offers advice on specific words and phrases to use when talking about a variety of issues and ideas.
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Affiche du document Screwed

Screwed

Thom Hartmann

1h34min30

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126 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 1h34min.
By the bestselling author and XM and Sirius Satellite radio host heard on more than eighty radio stations coast to coast seven days a week Reveals how the middle class, nurtured as the backbone of democracy by our Founding Fathers, is being undermined by so-called conservatives Shows how we can reverse the erosion of the middle class and restore the egalitarian vision of the Founders Expanded edition with a new chapter on immigration and a new afterword by Greg Palast The American middle class is on its deathbed. Ordinary folks who put in a solid day's work can no longer afford to buy a house, send their kids to college, or even get sick. If you're not a CEO, you're probably screwed. America wasn't meant to be like this. Air America Radio host Thom Hartmann shows that our Founding Fathers worked hard to ensure that a small group of wealthy people would never dominate this country--they'd had enough of aristocracy. They put policies in place to ensure a thriving middle class. When the middle class took a hit, beginning in the post-Civil War Gilded Age and culminating in the Great Depression, democracy-loving leaders like Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman, and Dwight Eisenhower revitalized it through initiatives like antitrust regulations, fair labor laws, the minimum wage, Social Security, and Medicare. So what happened? In the last twenty-five years, we've witnessed an undeclared war against the middle class. The so-called conservatives waging this war are only interested in conserving--and steadily increasing--their own wealth and power. Hartmann shows how, under the guise of "freeing" the market, they've systematically dismantled the programs set up by Republicans and Democrats to protect the middle class and have installed policies that favor the superrich and corporations. But it's not too late to return to the America our Founders envisioned. Hartmann outlines a series of commonsense proposals that will ensure that our public institutions are not turned into private fiefdoms and that people's basic needs--education, health care, a living wage--are met in a way that allows the middle class to expand, not shrink. America will be stronger with a growing, prospering middle class--rule by the rich will only make it weaker. Democracy requires a fair playing field, and it will survive only if We the People stand up, speak out, and reclaim our democratic birthright.
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Affiche du document Peace First

Peace First

Uri Savir

1h52min30

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150 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 1h52min.
Uri Savir has an ambitious, indispensable goal: to bring peacemaking into the 21st century. “Little in today’s world,” writes Savir, “is more progressive than modern warfare. Yet little is more archaic than peacemaking.” We remain trapped in a centuries-old mindset, with leaders bargaining warily for concessions and signing treaties that collapse because no one on the ground has any real stake in them. Drawing on his experiences negotiating the Oslo Peace Accords as well as on trenchant examples from Ethiopia, Eritrea, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Afghanistan, India, Pakistan, Northern Ireland, and the former Yugoslavia, Savir argues that an enduring peace is built from the bottom up, not from the top down. He describes a new model based on establishing and nurturing mutually beneficial forms of cooperation beginning on the local level, city-to-city and organization-to-organization. This process of “glocalization”—involving local actors in global issues—is the first step toward constructing a peace ecology: a comprehensive transnational culture dedicated to breaking down the psychological and social barriers between former enemies. These efforts are furthered through the establishment of joint ventures that give each side a tangible stake in maintaining peace. Diplomacy still has a role, but it must reject maneuvering for gain and instead emphasize the advantages both sides will gain with the cultivation of lasting peace. Throughout, Savir provides concrete examples of how these concepts have been put into practice. And he ends with a detailed vision of how this model could bring an enduring peace in one of the world’s most war-torn areas: the Mediterranean Basin. Peace First offers a pragmatic yet revolutionary new approach that promises to end our most intractable conflicts.
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Affiche du document Stick Your Neck Out

Stick Your Neck Out

John Graham

2h00min00

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160 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h00min.
As President of the Giraffe Heroes Project, which since 1982 has been recognizing people who "stick their necks out for the common good," John Graham has seen what hundreds of average citizens around the world have done to bring about constructive change. He's drawn on their experiences, his own as a veteran environmental activist, and that of a hand-picked group of seasoned activists to produce an accessible, eminently practical, inspiring guide on how to work effectively for change in any environment. Stick Your Neck Out covers every aspect of working for change, from choosing an issue to mapping out a strategy, getting a team together, building alliances, working with the media, and more. Each chapter contains a series of practical tips as well as inspiring examples of real people--artists, truck drivers, doctors, waitresses, and others--who have made a difference on issues like poverty, racism, gang violence, environmental pollution, and many more. Everything in this book has been honed and practiced; nothing is untested theory. This is a comprehensive guide to the skills, qualities, and strategies you need to make a difference on any issue. But it's also about becoming fully alive--about the meaning and passion you can add to your own life by getting involved. Active citizenship and personal growth are linked. The information in this book can change your world--and it can change your life.
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Affiche du document Shortchanged

Shortchanged

Howard Jacob Karger

1h52min30

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150 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 1h52min.
Drive through just about any low-income neighborhood and you're sure to see streets lined with pawnshops, check cashers, rent-to-own stores, payday and tax refund lenders, auto title pawns, and buy-here-pay-here used car lots. We're awash in "alternative financial services" directed at the poor and those with credit problems. Howard Karger describes this world as an economic Wild West, where just about any financial scheme that's not patently illegal is tolerated. Taking a hard look at this fringe economy, Karger shows that what seem to be small, independent storefront operations are actually part of a fully-formed parallel economy dominated by a handful of well-financed corporations, subject to little or no oversight, with increasingly strong ties to mainstream financial institutions. "It is a hidden world," Karger writes, "where a customer's economic fate is sealed with a handshake, a smile, and a stack of fine print documents that would befuddle many attorneys." Filled with heartbreaking stories of real people trapped in perpetual debt, Shortchanged exposes the deceptive practices that allow these businesses to prey on people when they are most vulnerable. Karger reveals the many ways this industry has run amok, ruining countless people's lives, and shows that it's not just the poor but, more and more, maxed-out middle class consumers who fall prey to these devious schemes. Balancing compassion with a realistic awareness of the risks any business faces in working with an economically distressed clientele, Karger details hard headed, practical recommendations for reforming this predatory industry.
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Affiche du document Unite and Conquer

Unite and Conquer

Kyrsten Sinema

1h05min15

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87 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 1h05min.
Progressives have been using divide-and-conquer tactics stolen from conservatives to further their own cause with limited success. This is because such tactics go against everything progressives believe in, and there is no logic or power in trying to use bad strategies to get to a good place. Legislator Krysten Sinema shows how the future of the progressive movement is to be found in unity, alignment and partnership and moving away from being entrenched in identity politics and sub-agendas.Old-school divide-and-conquer tactics—demonizing opponents, frightening voters, refusing to compromise—may make us feel good about the purity of our ideals, but it's no way to get anything done. Worse, this approach betrays some of the most cherished ideals of the progressive movement: inclusion, reason, justice, and hope. Illuminated by examples from her own work and a host of campaigns across the country, Kyrsten Sinema shows how to forge connections—both personal and political—with seemingly unlikely allies and define our values, interests, and objectives in ways that broaden our range of potential partners and expand our tactical options. With irreverent humor, enthralling campaign stories, and solid, practical advice, Sinema enables us to move past “politics as war” and build support for progressive causes on the foundation of our common humanity. Because You Can't Get There on Your Own1I kind of fell into this whole legislator gig. I didn't really intend to run for office, but as a school social worker in the late 1990s, working with immigrant and refugee kids in poverty, I found myself spending more and more time at the state capitol as time went on. I was often frustrated that these kids weren't getting the same opportunities that I had as a child or that other children in our state had access to, and I thought that lobbying was my best shot at getting something for these kids. Well, I didn't make a whole lot of headway in that respect, but I did learn about state politics. I was kind of surprised—I'd always assumed that legislators were somehow different from the rest of us. But it turns out that they're just regular people.What I didn't like is that not enough of those regular people seemed to care about the things that I cared about—like affordable health care for kids; good, strong schools with equal opportunity; clean air and water; and investments in the future via smart growth and economic development. So after a while, I decided I'd run for office.I was elected in November 2004 to represent District 15 in central Phoenix, an urban district that cares about education, health care, and the environment. Going into my first legislative sessions, I felt pretty confident that I'd represent the interests of my constituents well—after all, I told them what I believed in, and they'd elected me to serve them. I showed up to the capitol quite bright-eyed and bushy-tailed, ready to take the state by storm.2Except it didn't quite work out like that. I showed up all right. And for the first several months, I was bright-eyed and bushy-tailed, coming to work every morning full of vim and vigor, ready to face off for justice—which made me rather annoying. I'd stand up four or five times a week on the floor of the house and give scathing speeches about how this bill and that bill were complete and utter travesties of justice, and the paper would capture one or two of the quotes, and then we'd vote on the offending bills and they'd pass with supermajorities. I'd get righteously indignant and head back to my office, incensed that my colleagues could not only write but actually support and vote for such horrid policies!Meanwhile, everyone else went to lunch. In short, my first legislative session was a bust. I'd spent all my time being a crusader for justice, a patron saint for lost causes, and I'd missed out on the opportunity to form meaningful relationships with fellow members in the legislature, lobbyists, and other state actors. I hadn't gotten any of my great policy ideas enacted into law, and I'd seen lots of stuff I didn't like become law. It was just plain sad.3I spent the summer figuring out what I wanted to change. I knew that I couldn't keep doing what I was doing because it wasn't working for me and I hated it. I had, without actually planning to do so, fallen quite easily into the role of the loyal opposition, the righteously indignant crusader, the bomb thrower. In legislative lingo, a bomb thrower is a legislator who chooses to yell from the sidelines, cackle at the rest of the body, and generally raise hell from the corner of the room. A person who chooses to be a bomb thrower in the legislature is choosing to remove himself or herself from the work of the body: negotiating on bills, working to find compromises, and sometimes teaming up with unusual allies to promote or kill legislation. This person plays an important role at the capitol because he or she calls out the body on a regular basis (which is needed, especially considering that the general public hears or reads roughly 0.3 percent of what happens each day inside the legislature). However, the bomb thrower has made a choice—whether consciously or not—to be excluded from the actual process of negotiating proposed legislation. You can't play both roles in the legislature; if you choose to be a bomb thrower, you will not get the opportunity to amend bills, participate in bipartisan meetings to craft good legislation, or work with people on the other side of the aisle to kill bad legislation. I unwittingly chose to be a bomb thrower my first session, which led to my unhappiness and regret.Over the summer, I consciously chose to reject the bomb thrower role. For me, it was not a hard choice to make. I was miserable as a bomb thrower. And since I hadn't consciously chosen that role, I was even more depressed when I realized that I had become a bomb thrower and worked my way right into that lonely corner. It didn't fit me. I do love to give fiery speeches. But I also love people. I love talking with people, working together, and making friends. The bomb thrower doesn't get to make friends much (understandably so), and she certainly doesn't get to work with all the people she's throwing bombs toward.4I reflected on the lessons I'd learned as a social worker— about meeting people where they are, forming trust-based relationships, and working with others to create a realistic plan of action that gets you toward your goal. My social worker skills had served me well over the years, and I thought I'd try them at the capitol. I knew that I wouldn't be successful all the time (after all, Arizona's legislature is controlled by the other party in both the house and the senate, and Democrats rarely passed bills with their names attached), but I figured I'd be at least marginally more successful (there's only one way to go up from zero) and certainly a lot happier. So I took the advice that I'd ignored the year before from my state senator, Ken Cheuvront,1 and started over. When I went back to the legislature a few months later, it was like a whole different world had opened for me.I calmed down and stopped taking everything so personally, which made me a lot nicer and, I think, reduced the furrowing of my brow. I made friends with Democrats, Republicans, and everyone in between, which made me a lot happier. I had meetings with lobbyists that were relaxed and comfortable (regardless of whether or not we agreed on an issue). I laughed with legislators both liberal and conservative. I accepted losses with greater grace, participated in a few wins, and started getting invitations from Republican legislators to work together on bills.5It's not all fun and roses—sometimes it's still really, really hard to be in the legislature, and some days I still wonder why anyone would do this job2—but for the most part, I'm glad that I'm there, and I'm glad that I get lots done. It took four steps for me to get to the place I am now—where I can work well with just about anyone and where I can form and operate in coalitions that are some of the most unlikely you've ever heard about. First, it took recognition on my part that I didn't like where I was or what I was doing and recognition that it could be different and I could make it so. Second, it took some personal transformation. I had to change the way I thought and behaved so I could see other people and reach out to them and work effectively. Third, it took relationship building. I had to make friends and find common ground with people who were sometimes very, very different from me. I had to build trust with them and allow them to build trust with me. And fourth, it took strategic work where we'd all put aside our own preconceived ideas of how to solve the world's problems and instead use our shared values to create plans that worked for everyone.Not only did these four steps change the way that I work at the capitol, in the community, and around the nation, they helped my work matter. Thanks to my ever-developing coalition-building skills, I've been able to be a part of some really exciting and meaningful change in this country—from protecting health care for families to fighting genocide to supporting diversity in higher education and more.6I probably could have found other ways to fill my time as a legislator without seeking out and forming coalitions, but I'm thinking that would have been horrid. My first year in the legislature sure was. Going it alone is no fun, plus there's no one to invite to the victory party. Coalitions, on the other hand, are challenging, hard, exhilarating and rewarding, and ultimately lead to a larger concept of winning. That sounds like a pretty good party to me.Foreword by Janet NapolitanoPrefaceIntroduction: Because You Can't Get There On Your OwnChapter 1: The Politics We WantChapter 2: Letting Go of the Bear and Picking Up the BuddhaChapter 3: Creating Coalitions You Actually Want to JoinChapter 4: Shedding the Heavy Mantle of VictimhoodChapter 5: Making FriendsChapter 6: Letting Go of OutcomesChapter 7: Getting Back to Our Shared ValuesChapter 8: Naming Our InterestsChapter 9: The Third WayChapter 10: And, Not ButChapter 11: Keeping the Team TogetherConclusion: Get Your Coalition On Bonus Resource: The Coalition Builder's ToolkitNotesAcknowledgmentsIndexAbout the Author
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Affiche du document Speechless

Speechless

Bruce Barry

2h26min15

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195 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h26min.
A factory worker is fired because her boss disagrees with her political bumper sticker. A stockbroker feels pressure to resign from an employer who disapproves of his off-hours political advocacy. A flight attendant is grounded because her airline doesn't like what she's writing in her personal blog. Is it legal to fire people for speech that makes employers uncomfortable, even if the content has little or nothing to do with their job or workplace? For most American workers, the alarming answer is yes. Speechless takes on the state of free expression in the American workplace, exploring its history, explaining how and why Americans have come to take freedom of speech for granted, and demonstrating how employers can legally punish employees for speaking their minds. Bruce Barry shows how constitutional law erects formidable barriers to free speech in workplaces, while employment law gives employers wide latitude to suppress speech with impunity--even speech that is unrelated to the job or the company. Employers, with rights of property ownership over not just what they manage but how they manage, can decide just how much employee speech they will tolerate. Workers have little choice but to accept conditions of employment or go elsewhere. Barry argues that a toxic combination of law, conventional economic wisdom, and accepted managerial practice has created an American workplace in which freedom of speech--that most crucial of civil liberties in a healthy democracy--is something you do after work, on your own time, and even then (for many), only if your employer approves. Barry proposes changes both to the law and to management practice that would expand employees' expressive rights without jeopardizing the legitimate interests of employers. In defense of freer speech in and around the workplace, Barry argues that a healthy democracy depends in part on the experience of liberty at work. Workplaces are key venues for shared experience and public discourse, so workplace speech rights matter deeply for advancing citizenship, community, and democracy in a free society.
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Affiche du document All Together Now

All Together Now

Jared Bernstein

1h15min45

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101 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 1h16min.
As the new century unfolds, we face a host of economic and social challenges--jobs lost to "off shoring," a huge and growing number of Americans without health insurance coverage, an expanding gap between rich and poor, stagnant wages, decaying public schools, and many others. These are difficult and complex problems, but our government's strategy for dealing with them has been essentially not to deal with them at all. Over and over, in subtle and not-so-subtle ways, we're told that we're on our own--"Here's a tax cut and a private account; now go fend for yourself." As Jared Bernstein points out, this approach doesn't make any sense as a strategy for solving the enormous systemic problems we face. It's just a way of shifting economic risk from those most able to bear it--the government and the nation's corporations--to those least able: individuals and families. The result has been greater wealth for the top 1% of Americans and stagnant living standards and increasing insecurity for the vast majority. In All Together Now, Bernstein outlines a new strategy, one that applauds individual initiative but recognizes that the problems we face as a nation can be solved only if we take a more collaborative approach. The message is simple: we're all in this together. Bernstein draws on recent and historic events to explore how the proponents of what he dubs the YOYO (you're-on-your-own) approach have sold the idea, exposing the fallacies and ulterior motives in their arguments as well as the disasterous consequences of their policies. More importantly, he details practical WITT (we're-in-this-together) initiatives in specific areas like globalization, health care, and employment that could improve the lives of millions of Americans without increasing overall national spending. And he offers advice on how to overcome objections to the WITT agenda and bring the country together so that both risks and benefits are shared more fairly. While the prevailing philosophy insists that all we can do is cope with massive social forces, each of us on our own, Bernstein argues that we can unite and shape these forces to meet our needs. The optimistic message of All Together Now is that the economic challenges we face are not insoluble; we can wield the tools of government to meet them in such a way as to build a more just and equitable society.
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Affiche du document Washington après la chute de Bagdad

Washington après la chute de Bagdad

Rachida-Chahida Ababsa

4h23min15

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351 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 4h23min.
Depuis l’invasion de l’Irak en 2003, les États-Unis font face à de nombreux défis dans le monde arabe. Washington s’est heurté à plusieurs reprises à la complexité du paysage irakien, dans une région rebelle et en proie à des tensions sectaires, ethniques et idéologiques. Malgré la domination de l’armée américaine, l’absence de stratégie précise et de long terme a contrecarré les objectifs de Washington : la lutte antiterroriste, la promotion démocratique, la défense des intérêts vitaux des États-Unis et la préservation de leur hégémonie au Moyen-Orient.Bien que Washington ait jonglé entre unilatéralisme, multilatéralisme, puissance intelligente et coercition, ses stratégies de court et moyen terme n’ont pas été assez efficaces. Les États-Unis se sont donc désengagés de la région, nourrissant les intentions de la Chine et de la Russie qui, aujourd’hui, tentent d’y consolider leur place.Cet ouvrage analyse la politique étrangère américaine dans le monde arabe depuis l’invasion de l’Irak jusqu’en 2016, les trajectoires empruntées, les changements opérés et leurs raisons. Les États-Unis restent certes un allié infaillible pour beaucoup de pays arabes et un acteur incontournable pour la stabilité régionale et mondiale, remettant en cause l’hypothèse de leur déclin. Néanmoins, le bilan de leurs interventions depuis la chute de Saddam Hussein est très discutable. Le monde s’oriente vers un nouvel ordre où leur puissance unilatérale n’est désormais plus d’actualité.
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