Catalogue - page 4

Affiche du document Les échecs normatifs

Les échecs normatifs

2h00min00

  • Droit et juridique
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160 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h00min.
L’échec se caractérise par une action à laquelle était affectée une finalité qui n’a jamais été atteinte. La définition proposée vaudrait pour tout type d’échecs, pour peu que l’on se satisfasse de généralités. Si toutefois on souhaite l’appliquer à la matière juridique, il faudra l’adapter. D’où cette seconde proposition de définition, spécifique au droit : l’échec normatif est la non-réalisation de la finalité assignée à la norme par son auteur, causée par un fait ou une mesure de droit qui a déjoué ses attentes. L’échec semble ainsi être déterminé par un élément subjectif (l’intention) et un élément objectif (la cause).On retrouve ces éléments dans les différents exemples d’échecs normatifs étudiés par les contributeurs : par exemple l’échec d’une codification ou d’une loi pénale, l’échec d’une Constitution ou d’une convention internationale. Comment toutefois classer ces situations de manière cohérente ? Tant les circonstances des échecs que les types de normes sont hautement diversifiés. Le plus simple consiste alors à retenir ce que la norme juridique a de plus spécifique, en l’occurrence son autorité. À partir de ce critère, il est possible de distinguer deux situations : d’une part les échecs certains, en ce qu’ils remettent en cause le contenant ou le contenu (partie I)  ; d’autre part les échecs incertains car ils ne sont pas avérés ou ils ne portent pas sur une norme proprement dite (partie II).
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Affiche du document L'Héritage au XXIe siècle

L'Héritage au XXIe siècle

André MASSON

2h39min45

  • Droit et juridique
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213 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h40min.
Dans nos sociétés modernes, l’héritage n’est plus réservé aux riches. Transmettre est devenu une norme socioculturelle au sein des familles des classes moyennes. D’où ce paradoxe en France : l’impôt sur la fortune (ex-ISF) demeure l’impôt le plus populaire, mais les droits de succession sont l’impôt le plus impopulaire. Alors, faut-il supprimer les droits de succession comme l’ont fait d’autres pays européens ? Ou faut-il au contraire les augmenter fortement alors que l’héritage est devenu une composante majeure de l’enrichissement individuel ? Pour répondre de manière précise et argumentée à ces interrogations, André Masson a conçu son livre comme un vade mecum destiné aux membres d’une convention citoyenne sur l’héritage. En 50 questions, il explore toutes les dimensions du sujet, des polémiques du xixe siècle sur l’abolition de l’héritage (Marx était contre !) à ses différents aspects familiaux, de l’efficacité de l’impôt successoral (l’héritage constitue-t-il une rente indue ?) à ses propositions de réforme. Il argumente finalement pour un dispositif successoral inédit qui favoriserait les investissements de long terme bénéfiques à notre pays. Une bible ! André Masson est directeur de recherche au CNRS et directeur d’études à l’EHESS. Il est chercheur à l’École d’économie de Paris (PSE). Ses travaux portent sur le patrimoine des Français, les liens entre générations et la rationalité de l’épargnant. Il est notamment l’auteur de Nos sociétés du vieillissement entre guerre et paix (Éditions L’Autreface, 2020) et Chronique d’un impôt sur l’héritage en perdition (PUF, 2023). Le CEPREMAP (Centre pour la recherche économique et ses applications) a pour mission d’assurer une interface entre le monde académique et la décision publique. Il est dirigé par Claudia Senik. 
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Affiche du document Droit du contentieux constitutionnel dans les États d’Afrique subsaharienne francophone

Droit du contentieux constitutionnel dans les États d’Afrique subsaharienne francophone

Saidou Nourou Tall

3h42min45

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297 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 3h43min.
En se proposant d’étudier la diversité des contentieux constitutionnels dans les États suivants  : Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Gabon, Guinée, Madagascar, Mali, Niger, Sénégal et Togo, ce présent ouvrage invite à une introspection, une recension et une exploration des structures, de la procédure, des écueils et de la complexité des contentieux constitutionnels, à travers l’ancrage à la pratique des États francophones et l’arrimage à leurs Constitutions, lois et règlements.La première partie met en évidence le fait que les juridictions africaines francophones présentent un grand nombre de similitudes. En effet, des dénominateurs communs peuvent être relevés à travers les contrôles de constitutionnalité par voie d’action ou par voie d’exception, même si quelques singularités existent dans certains États. La deuxième partie met en surbrillance trois séries de considérations. En premier lieu, l’instance trouve sa source dans la demande, d’affirmation ou de contestation de droits, adressée à la juridiction. En second lieu, le déclenchement de la compétence contentieuse comporte, certaines formalités à la requête et aux requérants. En dernier lieu, la procédure contentieuse aboutit à la décision constitutionnelle revêtue de l’autorité de la chose jugée.
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Affiche du document Future of Police Reform

Future of Police Reform

Samuel Walker

1h56min15

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155 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 1h56min.
The first thorough study of the Justice Department’s pattern or practice program, examining how it works and how court-imposed consent decrees implement needed reformsAmerican society grapples with an enduring crisis in policing which is inextricably intertwined with the nation’s deeply rooted racial issues. While there have been great strides in policing over the past five decades, the United States continues to wrestle with serious crime and strained relations between law enforcement and African American communities.In this comprehensive analysis, Samuel Walker, a leading figure in the study of criminal justice, focuses on the pivotal federal effort behind police reform—the US Justice Department’s pattern or practice program. Created by Congress in 1994, this program gives the Justice Department the authority to investigate police departments that display patterns of unconstitutional practices, initiate civil suits, and secure court-enforced consent decrees that mandate reform. Walker meticulously examines the reforms dictated by these consent decrees, delves into the challenges of their implementation, and evaluates the progress made by various departments in enhancing police services. Despite various obstacles, the program has proven successful.The Future of Police Reform also considers the broader societal, political, and legal issues that profoundly influence reform efforts, such as an entrenched police subculture hindering change, the formidable power of police unions, and a lack of full support from local political leaders.In conclusion, Walker celebrates reform efforts across the country and foresees a network of local and state centers of activity fostering continued optimism for the future of police reform in the US. A collective effort holds the promise of genuine and lasting change.
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Affiche du document Psychology of Tort Law

Psychology of Tort Law

P. Hans Valerie

2h25min30

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194 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h25min.
Tort law regulates most human activities: from driving a car to using consumer products to providing or receiving medical care. Injuries caused by dog bites, slips and falls, fender benders, bridge collapses, adverse reactions to a medication, bar fights, oil spills, and more all implicate the law of torts. The rules and procedures by which tort cases are resolved engage deeply-held intuitions about justice, causation, intentionality, and the obligations that we owe to one another. Tort rules and procedures also generate significant controversy—most visibly in political debates over tort reform.The Psychology of Tort Law explores tort law through the lens of psychological science. Drawing on a wealth of psychological research and their own experiences teaching and researching tort law, Jennifer K. Robbennolt and Valerie P. Hans examine the psychological assumptions that underlie doctrinal rules. They explore how tort law influences the behavior and decision-making of potential plaintiffs and defendants, examining how doctors and patients, drivers, manufacturers and purchasers of products, property owners, and others make decisions against the backdrop of tort law. They show how the judges and jurors who decide tort claims are influenced by psychological phenomena in deciding cases. And they reveal how plaintiffs, defendants, and their attorneys resolve tort disputes in the shadow of tort law. Robbennolt and Hans here shed fascinating light on the tort system, and on the psychological dynamics which undergird its functioning.
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Affiche du document Coming Race War

Coming Race War

Richard Delgado

2h09min00

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172 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h09min.
In The Washington Post, Julius Lester praised Richard Delgado''s The Rodrigo Chronicles: Conversations about America and Race as free of cant and ideology. . . . an excellent starting place for the national discussion about race we so desperately need. The New York Times has hailed Delgado as a pioneer in the study of race and law, and the Los Angeles Times has compared his storytelling style to Plato''s Dialogues. In The Coming Race War?, Delgado turns his attention to the American racial landscape in the wake of the mid-term elections in 1994. Our political and racial topography has been radically altered. Affirmative action is being rolled back, immigrants continue to be targeted as the source of economic woes, and race is increasingly downplayed as a source of the nation''s problems. Legal obstacles to racial equality have long been removed, we are told, so what''s the problem? And yet, the plight of the urban poor grows worse. The number of young black men in prison continues to exceed those in college. Informal racial privilege remains entrenched and systemic. Where, asks Delgado in this new volume, will this lead? Enlisting his fictional counterpart, Rodrigo Crenshaw, to untangle the complexities of America''s racial future, Delgado explores merit and affirmative action; the nature of empathy and, more commonly, false empathy; and the limitations of legal change. Warning of the dangers of depriving the underprivileged of all hope and opportunity, Delgado gives us a dark future in which an indignant white America casts aside, once and for all, the spirit of the civil rights movement, with disastrous results.
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Affiche du document Unfit for Democracy

Unfit for Democracy

E. Gottlieb Stephen

3h03min00

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244 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 3h03min.
Asked if the country was governed by a republic or a monarchy, Benjamin Franklin replied, “A republic, if you can keep it.”Since its founding, Americans have worked hard to nurture and protect their hard-won democracy. And yet few consider the role of constitutional law in America’s survival. In Unfit for Democracy, Stephen Gottlieb argues that constitutional law without a focus on the future of democratic government is incoherent—illogical and contradictory. Approaching the decisions of the Roberts Court from political science, historical, comparative, and legal perspectives, Gottlieb highlights the dangers the court presents by neglecting to interpret the law with an eye towards preserving democracy.A senior scholar of constitutional law, Gottlieb brings a pioneering will to his theoretical and comparative criticism of the Roberts Court. The Roberts Court decisions are not examined in a vacuum but instead viewed in light of constitutional politics in India, South Africa, emerging Eastern European nations, and others. While constitutional decisions abroad have contributed to both the breakdown and strengthening of democratic politics, decisions in the Roberts Court have aggravated the potential destabilizing factors in democratic governments. Ultimately, Unfit for Democracy calls for an interpretation of the Constitution that takes the future of democracy seriously. Gottlieb warns that the Roberts Court’s decisions have hurt ordinary Americans economically, politically, and in the criminal process. They have damaged the historic American melting pot, increased the risk of anti-democratic paramilitaries, and clouded the democratic future.
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Affiche du document Why Lawsuits are Good for America

Why Lawsuits are Good for America

T. Bogus Carl

2h55min30

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234 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h55min.
Argues that lawsuits work far better than commonly understoodJudging by the frequency with which it makes an appearance in television news shows and late night stand up routines, the frivolous lawsuit has become part and parcel of our national culture. A woman sues McDonald’s because she was scalded when she spilled her coffee. Thousands file lawsuits claiming they were injured by Agent Orange, silicone breast implants, or Bendectin although scientists report these substances do not cause the diseases in question. The United States, conventional wisdom has it, is a hyperlitigious society, propelled by avaricious lawyers, harebrained judges, and runaway juries. Lawsuits waste money and time and, moreover, many are simply groundless.Carl T. Bogus is not so sure. In Why Lawsuits Are Good for America, Bogus argues that common law works far better than commonly understood. Indeed, Bogus contends that while the system can and occasionally does produce “wrong” results, it is very difficult for it to make flatly irrational decisions. Blending history, theory, empirical data, and colorful case studies, Bogus explains why the common law, rather than being outdated, may be more necessary than ever. As Bogus sees it, the common law is an essential adjunct to governmental regulation—essential, in part, because it is not as easily manipulated by big business. Meanwhile, big business has launched an all out war on the common law. “Tort reform”—measures designed to make more difficult for individuals to sue corporations—one of the ten proposals in the Republican Contract With America, and George W. Bush’s first major initiative as Governor of Texas. And much of what we have come to believe about the system comes from a coordinated propaganda effort by big business and its allies. Bogus makes a compelling case for the necessity of safeguarding the system from current assaults. Why Lawsuits Are Good for America provides broad historical overviews of the development of American common law, torts, products liability, as well as fresh and provocative arguments about the role of the system of “disciplined democracy” in the twenty-first century.
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Affiche du document Empire Strikes Back

Empire Strikes Back

D. Austin Arthur

1h42min45

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137 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 1h43min.
Once dismissed as plodding and superfluous, legal scholarship is increasingly challenging the liberal white male establishment that currently dominates legal education and practice. The most significant development since the emergence of the casebook, at the turn of the century, this trend has unleashed a fierce political struggle. At stake is nothing less than the entire enterprise of law and education, and thus a powerful platform from which to shape society. The result, here vividly recounted by Arthur Austin, has been an uncompromising, take-no-prisoners fight for dominance. The challenge comes from Outsiders, a collection of feminists, critical race theorists, and critical legal studies scholars who rely on unconventional methods such as storytelling to give voice to the underrepresented. In the other, demographically larger camp resides the monolithic Empire, consisting of traditionalists who, having developed an effective form of scholarship, now circle the wagons against the outsider heathens. Neither partisan nor objective, Austin is both respectful and critical of each faction. The Empire, he believes, is imperious, closed-minded, and self-perpetuating; the Outsiders are too often paranoid, anti-pragmatic, and overly tolerant of fringe work. Is the new scholarship a vacuous, overpoliticized, soon-to-be-vanquished trend or the harbinger of an important new paradigm? Is reconciliation possible? Anyone with a vested interest in the answer to these questions, and in the future of law, cannot afford to miss Arthur Austin''s invaluable volume.
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Affiche du document Law Democratized

Law Democratized

Knake Jefferson Renee

4h00min45

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321 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 4h1min.
A practical plan for providing legal help to all, regardless of resourcesMillions of people in the United States face legal problems without lawyers to help them. Why? How do we educate and inform the public about the law so they can understand when the services of a lawyer are necessary or desirable? When can individuals solve legal problems on their own or with the assistance of a specialist without a traditional law degree? In short, how do we democratize the law?Law Democratized offers a blueprint to increase legal help for everyone, regardless of their ability to pay. Building on more than a decade of research into innovation in legal services, the book advances a series of recommendations inspired by success stories from around the globe. Renee Knake Jefferson outlines different paths pursued by bar associations, courts, entrepreneurs, law schools, nonprofits, and others, evaluating the promise and pitfalls of each. She analyzes regulatory reforms employed in other nations, along with emerging efforts in a handful of US states.If the rule of law is the bedrock that American democracy rests upon, then the justice transformed system must be open and user-friendly to all. Law Democratized makes a compelling argument for transforming the American legal landscape through engaged citizenship, ethical innovation, expanded education, and regulatory reform, in order to democratize law and make legal help more accessible.
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Affiche du document Victims' Rights Movement

Victims' Rights Movement

Michael Vitiello

3h12min45

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257 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 3h13min.
Outlines the successes and failures of the movement to support survivors of violenceThe Victims’ Rights Movement (VRM) has been one of the most meaningful criminal justice reforms in the United States. Every state and the federal government has adopted major VRM laws to enact protections for victims and increase criminal sanctions, and the movement has received support from politicians of all backgrounds. Despite recognition of its excesses, the movement remains an important force in the criminal justice arena.The Victims'' Rights Movement offers a measured overview of the successes and the failures of the VRM. Among its widely acknowledged accomplishments are expanded resources to help victims deal with trauma, greater sensitivity to sexual assault victims in many jurisdictions, and increased chances of victims receiving restitution from perpetrators of harm. Conversely, the movement has led to excessive punishment for many defendants and destruction of defendants’ families. It has exacerbated racial inequality in the imposition of the death penalty and criminal sentencing generally, and falsely promises “closure” to crime victims and their families.Michael Vitiello considers whether the VRM serves those injured by crime well by focusing on “victimhood.” He urges a reframing of the movement to fight for universal health care and limits on access to weapons—two policies that would reduce the number of victims and help those who do become victims of crime.
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